[Cross-posted at Crooks and Liars.]
Bill Maher has been on something of a jihad against 
the growth of false equivalencies in the media narrative, and bless him for that. Friday night on HBO's 
Real Time, he laid into Irshad Manji and David Frum for playing that game, with an able assist from Michael Eric Dyson.
It started out when Manji tried to claim that vicious demonization is just part of the political game played nowadays:
MANJI: But that's politics, dude! That's politics.
DYSON: Yeah, but that's not politics. Your side is wrong, my side is 
right is politics. But when you get into demonizing other people and 
making them monsters, that's a different kind of thing. And don't forget
 --
MANJI: I agree, and I would have said that to Keith Olbermann, by the
 way, when he had his, you know, 'Worst Persons of the Day' or night or 
whatever it was. I mean, he was just as bad as --
MAHER: That was a joke.
MANJI: Oooh, it's just -- of course it was.
MAHER: Stop it.
MANJI: Demonizing? Caricatures?
MAHER: OK. first of all, 'Worst Persons' -- I think we know that 
that's a joke. That we don't really think that it's the worst person in 
the world. It's called hyperbole. Satire.
MANJI: But the point is, it's like sex -- everybody does it. 
Everybody does it. So why the double standard, and, you know, sort of 
pointing out that one sides does it, but when the other side does it, 
that just a joke?
DYSON: I don't think it's hyperbole on the side of the folk I would 
say are the right-wingers who I would say are demonizing people. That's 
not hyperbole. They actually believe it. With religious fervor, they 
believe it.
MANJI: My friend, I know so many people on the left who believe their
 own BS as well. They completely dehumanize people on the right.
MAHER: No one's even arguing that. That the Democrats or the 
progressives or the liberals are perfect -- they fall way short. But you
 are professing something that I think is even more dangerous: false 
equivalency. Glenn Beck and Keith Olbermann are not the same thing.
[Applause]
Good for Maher. We've been saying the same thing at this site for a long time.
Then David Frum tried to theorize that the nastiness has just been 
getting progressively worse since the 1980s -- and bases it on the 
laughable claim that George W. Bush had it worse than Bill Clinton!
FRUM: I'll concede to you that it's true, that the kind of vitriol that 
President Obama encounters is worse than what President Bush 
encountered. That's true. It's also true that what President Bush 
encountered is worse than what President Clinton encountered. And what 
President Clinton encountered is worse than what President George H.W. 
Bush --
MAHER: Bush got worse than Clinton? He got impeached!
FRUM: In terms of the --
MAHER: No seriously. 
Evidently, Frum has wiped from his memory cells the wild cottage 
industry in conspiracy theories that sprang up around Clinton: the 
he-and-Hillary-killed-Vince Foster theory, the Mena-drug-running-clan 
theory, the "Clinton Body Count" that was in everyone's e-mail, the 
"black love child" theory, and of course the many and voluminous "New 
World Order" theories in which military transport movements were 
circulated out of fear of an impending United Nations takeover of 
America. And those are just a few. More to the point, many of them were 
circulated and promoted by mainstream conservatives in the mainstream 
media. They weren't merely the work of fringe nutcases.
In contrast, Bush had to put up with relatively little conspiracism 
during his tenure -- the main example being the 9/11 Truthers, who 
started out as and have largely remained a symbiotic far-left/far-right 
conspiracy fringe, with the far right (think Alex Jones) playing by far 
the dominant role in recent years. But these theories largely remained 
on the fringe -- and the overwhelming majority of the people who opposed
 him did not believe them, either. Those people opposed him because they
 had real-world, rational issues with Bush: his conduct of the wars, his
 handling of the economy, his very real abuses of the Constitution.
Contrast that, if you will, with the people who hated Bill Clinton 
and now hate Barack Obama -- because, as Maher points out, they believed
 them at base to be illegitimate: 
FRUM: I don't mean what is said on television, and the talkers and the 
ranters. But what I worry about is the normalization of paranoid 
theories in our politics. And that is worse in every cycle. It's true 
it's worse now than it was then. 
MAHER: I fundamentally disagree with that. When Democrats get 
elected, Clinton and Obama the last two -- there was a view on a lot of 
people on the right that the election is just illegitimate from the 
get-go. And that whatever we do to remove this person, whether birth 
certificate bullshit, or finding him with Monica Lewinsky or Whitewater,
 is justified, because we know what's right for this country, and 
therefore any way we can get him out is the right thing. And I do not 
think that happens on the other side.
The illegitimacy is the key to the puzzle: Because these people are 
right-wing authoritarians, they are systemically inclined to follow 
authority, and so literally cannot handle the prospect of a person they 
see as left wing in such a position. This leads inevitably to a 
worldview that the left-wing politician in question is a mere 
interloper, a pretender to authority who must be resisted, not obeyed, 
and it becomes vital to build a case against their legitimacy. At that 
point, logic, reason, and factuality become secondary if not entirely 
disposable altogether -- what matters is proving illegitimacy. So 
building such a case inevitably entails embracing falsehoods and 
conspiracy theories -- and these become untouchable truths, the 
fundaments of their realities, and no amount of reason can dent them.
It is, in other words, a recipe for mass insanity.
Frum and Manji aren't the only people in denial about this. There are
 all kinds of well-meaning conservatives who want to rescue their 
movement from the insane Tea Partying populists who have taken over the 
Right since Obama's election, including 
David Brooks,
 who in attacking the Limbaughs and the Becks nonetheless insisted that 
"everybody does it": "The White House understands, you've got 10 percent
 of the country over here on the wacky right, 10 percent on the wacky 
left, that's not what they can pay attention to. And they're not going 
to pay attention to it."
As we noted at the time:
Brooks' percentages are off -- it's more like about 5 
percent on the left and 30 percent on the right side, and this latter 
fact is actually what he identifies as the problem; the right has been 
so overwhelmed by its wingnutty elements that they have largely taken 
over the GOP at this juncture in time. And there's no prospect of the 
David Brookses ever getting it back -- in no small part because they 
refuse to acknowledge the magnitude of what they're up against.
Mind you, this is also a major theme of our book, 
Over the Cliff: How Obama's Election Drove the American Right Insane:
 
As we observed in the last chapter, describing the descent of conservatism into madness:
It’s particularly ominous for the state of our national 
discourse. As we have seen through the long and sordid history of 
right-wing populism in this country—particularly the way it has relied 
on scapegoating, smears, conspiracy theories, falsehoods, and unhinging 
rhetoric, all of which inevitably unleash violent, extremist rage—the 
foundations of democracy suffer at the hands of these movements. 
As Democratic representative Earl Blumenauer of Oregon observed to 
PolitiFact in the aftermath of Palin’s “death panels” lie: “It’s a 
sobering prospect that political discourse is going to resemble 
hand-to-hand combat for the foreseeable future.”
Blumenauer added that such a prospect bodes ill for involving average
 citizens in the democratic process: “I think they’re losing their 
appetite to wade through the vitriol, and I’m in the same boat. We are 
moving to a point where we drive normal people away, and everybody else 
gets their news and increasingly opinion prescreened, going for days 
never hearing an opposing viewpoint. That gives me pause.”
I also tackled the issues of false equivalencies in 
The Eliminationists: How Hate Talk Radicalized the American Right:
Ironically, Malkin has also been a leader in the 
contingent of the conservative movement that insists that it is 
liberals, not conservatives, who have been “unhinged” in their rhetoric 
and driving the national discourse over a cliff. This retort is standard
 to any mention of the Right’s proclivity for eliminationist rhetoric. 
Malkin, in fact, wrote an entire book to support this thesis. 
The increasingly nasty tone of liberal rhetoric in recent years, 
especially on an interpersonal level, is also important to note. Some of
 the examples Malkin cites are ugly, indeed, as are some of the examples
 of bile directed toward George W. Bush in recent years.
However, most of the examples Malkin and her fellow conservatives 
point to involve anger directed at a specific person—most typically, 
George Bush or Dick Cheney—and often for reasons related to the loss of 
American and civilian lives in Iraq. Few of them are eliminationist—that
 is, most do not call for the suppression and eradication of an entire 
class or bloc of people. Rather, the hatred is focused on a handful of 
individuals.
In contrast, right-wing rhetoric has been explicitly eliminationist, 
calling for the infliction of harm on entire blocs of American citizens:
 liberals, gays and lesbians, Latinos, blacks, Jews, feminists, or 
whatever target group is the victim du jour of right-wing ire. This vile
 form of “anti-discourse” has been coming from the most prominent 
figures of movement conservatism: its most popular pundits and its 
leading politicians. And the sheer volume and intensity of the rhetoric 
dwarf whatever ugliness is coming from the liberal side of the debate.