Friday, March 12, 2004

Rush Limbaugh is a Lying Liar

George W. Bush's campaign ads exploiting the victims of Sept. 11 demonstrated clearly that, when it comes to Bush's re-election, "nothing is out of bounds" for conservatives. This includes, of course, smearing not only his opponent, John Kerry, but anyone who dares speak up against Bush's appalling behavior. That in turn includes even the grieving families of the Sept. 11 dead.

Leading the charge, unsurprisingly, is the movement's leading propagandist and smear artist, Rush Limbaugh.

On Monday's Limbaugh program, the Most Dangerous Man in America followed up on a Friday rant against the families who had complained about the Bush ads, claiming that their organization had been funded by Theresa Heinz Kerry's foundation:
Here, for those of you that weren't here on Friday, this is the montage. I'm just going to play it one more time. This is two different women, and they appeared on four networks: CNN, MSNBC, CNBC, and NBC, and they each have three phrases that they use verbatim. And these were prepared. These were prepared by Democratic campaign consultants. In fact, these women sound like campaign consultants, not grieving family members, and I was reluctant to make this charge; it's the first thing that crossed my mind. As I say, we've now learned all the organizational effort that's going on behind this and these people are indeed aligned with the Democratic Party, and it's just? I do not know this kind of hatred; I don't know this kind of venom; I don't harbor it; I never have; I don't know what it's like to be governed by this kind of rage, and I don't know what life must be like when it is. I cannot relate. I cannot relate to being obsessed with rage and hatred. I can relate to being obsessed with love and infatuation, but I cannot relate to being obsessed with all this hatred. I just don't get it. It is unspeakable to me. It is dirty. It is wounding. I think this stuff is absolutely poison, the depths -- and Ted Kennedy on Friday goes to the Council on Foreign Relations and -- I got the story coming up -- makes all these wild accusations. John Kerry himself is becoming, if you ask me, a walking caricature of himself already. I think these people have no clue.

Limbaugh is, if nothing else, living proof that projection isn't just for movie theaters anymore. But he is above all a purveyor of crudely false information. Otherwise known as lies.

As Allan P. Duncan explained in detail in an OpEdNews.com piece, Limbaugh's characterization of the situation was flatly wrong in several respects. First, and perhaps most notably, the women whose voices he played on the program did not belong to the organization he was claiming was tied to Heinz-Kerry:
The transcript for the show had a link, Listen to Rush, so I clicked it and listened to the part of his show that the transcript covered. I discovered that Voice I belonged to Kristen Breitweiser and that Voice II belonged to Monica Gabrielle.

Kristen Breitweiser and Monica Gabrielle are both members of the Family Steering Committee for the 9-11 Commission and are not members of the group Limbaugh claims received funding from Teresa Heinz Kerry. That group, according to news reports that began hitting the wires on March 6th was September 11th Families for Peaceful Tomorrows.

Moreover, it turned out that not even Peaceful Tomorrows was connected to Heinz-Kerry as Limbaugh had claimed. The organization issued a release flatly denying the accusation:
September 11th Families for Peaceful Tomorrows has never received funding from the Howard Heinz Endowment, the Vira I. Heinz Endowment, Teresa Heinz Kerry or John Kerry.

Peaceful Tomorrows has no connection with the Heinz or Kerry families through Tides Foundation, the Tides Center or any other entity.

Maxwell King of the Heinz Endowments replied to the allegations in the New York Post, where Limbaugh's version of things appears to have originated:
Your allegation ["(Mrs.) Kerry's Cash Connection," Editorial, March 9] that an organization called Peaceful Tomorrows has received funding from foundations directed by Teresa Heinz Kerry is flat-out wrong.

The allegation rests on a false assumption -- that Heinz Endowments funding of the Tides Center for projects in western Pennsylvania is "fungible," as you state in your editorial, and so can be redirected to other causes.

In fact, by legally binding contract, every penny of our support to Tides has been explicitly directed to specific projects in our region. It cannot legally be redirected and is the exact opposite of "fungible."

It should also be noted that Limbaugh asserts, without any factual basis, that "Democratic consultants" prepped the Family Steering Committee members who appeared on TV. According to the committee's recent statement, that too is simply false:
We have been accused of being tutored by a particular political party to make statements against the current administration. Nothing could be further from the truth. We are Americans who care about the future of this country. Our nonpartisan mission has always been clear: to find out how 9/11 happened so that nothing like it will ever happen again.

I don't know about the rest of you, but:

I couldn't believe that the Republican Party would sink this low, to exploit and capitalize on the misery and loss of families. But they did it. They found a way. In fact, they found some radio talk-show hosts -- and I'm going to say this -- they found some talk-show hosts who seem to have more concern over who the president of this country is than over the sanctity of the loss of other people's own family members, and who are willing to go on the air and lie about these people and smear their motives. It is beyond the pale that this could happen. It is beyond the pale, yet people cooperate with it, and so much more has been learned about this since.

They have literally been poisoned by their hate. They have been poisoned by their rage. It is unbelievable, the depths to which they will sink.

Thursday, March 11, 2004

He vants to rule the world

Look, we always knew Larry Klayman, the head of Judicial Watch and a leading figure in the impeachment drama, was a bit off the wall in his obsession about "getting" the Clintons. He represented in many ways the worst, most fanatical side of the GOP in that episode. (This was the guy who sued his own mother.)

Lately, David Corn has been reporting in The Nation about the likelihood that Klayman -- who is now running for the U.S. Senate in Florida -- is also crooked, rather nakedly violating campaign laws by soliciting a loan for a direct-mail house.

Corn also reveals that Klayman is not merely obsessive. He's genuinely nuts:
In an October 2 letter to Richard Scaife--written days after Klayman had lunch with him--Klayman referred to a loan idea. First he laid out his master plan. "As a senator," he wrote, "I will have considerable powers that I did not have at Judicial Watch, including the ability to investigate and prosecute in the Senate Hillary Clinton much like Richard Nixon did with the communist spy Alger Hiss.... if I am someday to run for president, I need the credentials to do so; being a senator will provide me with this. If not this year, Hillary Clinton obviously will run for the presidency in 2008. I plan to oppose her, God be willing." Then he made a pitch: "Dick, once again I need your help to achieve this goal. As explained, I left Judicial Watch without resources and must rely on direct mail to raise the monies to challenge my millionaire opponents. If you know of someone or some entity that can finance the direct mail firm, by providing a loan with an 18 percent return on investment, I would be most grateful." A Scaife spokesperson maintains that Scaife never received this letter. "He has not given one dime to Mr. Klayman's campaign," she adds, "and in fact he discouraged him from running."

That's it! By finally subduing the Evil Clinton invasion, Larry Klayman will become a national hero and a shoo-in for the presidency! What a brilliant strategy! Bwah hahahahahaha.

Sin and the law

One of the contentions we're hearing from the right these days against allowing gays to marry is that doing so forces Christians to accept homosexuality -- and thus it is gay-rights advocates, not proponents of a constitutional amendment to ban same-sex unions, who are the aggressors in the "Culture War."

The other day in my comments, a fellow named Shawn McFarland offered an iteration of this argument:
For most Christians homosexuality is a sin that is tolerated, but to try to force Christains to accept that homosexual unions are somehow equivalent to marriage, is essentially forcing Christians to claim that homosexuality is not a sin.

The problem with the religious right's argument in this case is similar to its faulty logic in other areas as well, especially regarding abortion: It confuses what's sinful with what's illegal.

There is, of course, a real multitude sins elucidated in the Bible. Among them: Divorce. Usury. Breaking the Sabbath. Spiritual pride. Taking the Lord's name in vain.

Are any of these against the law? Not in America. The nation's economy wouldn't be able to function if usury -- the lending of money at an interest rate -- were outlawed.

It is one of the conceits of the religious right, of course, that American law is based on "Biblical law." (See the whole Roy Moore dustup.) But that's largely mythical. The body of American law is decidedly secular in nature, and is driven almost purely by logic and ethics, rather than religious morality.

This basic confusion on the part of fundamentalists leads them to believe that if the Bible forbids it, it oughta be against the law too.

Problem is, if that were to happen ... it wouldn't be America anymore. But then, they seem to know that.

It should be clear who's playing the aggressor here. Indeed, the whole "Culture War" -- just like "Class War" -- is largely an invention, and a strategy, of the right.

Wednesday, March 10, 2004

Divided Passions

It's becoming harder to pretend that it's "just a movie" anymore.

If forced to predict (something I'm not very keen on, to be honest) just what the real-world reaction to the radical Catholicism of Mel Gibson's The Passion of the Christ would be, I'd have guessed that it wouldn't have resulted in anything concrete in the way of serious eruptions of anti-Semitism, not to mention hate crimes or other violence. As I said in my original review, the anti-Semitism in the film is not as overt or crude as what you might find in, say, Nazi propaganda. Its effect, I thought, would be more attitudinal -- as in cases like the one Atrios noted in the L.A. Times' letters. This effect was likely to contribute to a general atmosphere condoning violence, aimed more generally at liberals than at Jews specifically.

That assessment, however, may have been wrong -- at least in terms of the timetable and the intensity of the attitudes. Hate crimes have already popped up their ugly visage, as well as various iterations of anti-Semitism in differing degrees.

Most of the activity of note so far has occurred in Denver. First there was the suburban pastor who, shortly after the film's opening, put up a letterboard sign outside his Lovingway United Pentecostal Church that read "Jews Killed The Lord Jesus." He said the sign was inspired by Gibson's film. After both Jews and Christians voiced their outrage, he put up a sign of apology.

But that was just the start. More recently, someone last Friday night vandalized a Denver synagogue by painting about 10 swastikas and other neo-Nazi symbols on it.
Ramon Saenz, a custodian for the synagogue, said he saw the Nazi symbols when he arrived at work about 8:30 a.m. Saturday.

Saenz said he checked the building for other damage but that everything seemed in order. Nothing was stolen, he said.

"There's a lot of crazy people in this world," he said. "I thought it might have something to do with the movie."

He referred to "The Passion of the Christ," released Feb. 25. Many Jewish and Christian religious leaders have expressed apprehension that anti-Semitism would result from the movie's portrayal of Jewish authorities and Jewish mobs involved in crucifying Jesus. The director, Mel Gibson, has denied being anti-Semitic.

Cohen also said the vandalism may have been sparked by the movie. "I do feel, after watching the film, that it sponsors the spirit of anti-Semitism," the rabbi said. "We need to be sensitive to images and stereotypes we portray."

On Sunday, about 300 people of various faiths showed up to assist in the cleanup effort. Some of the volunteers also pointed the finger of blame:
Elise Zakroff said she was sure the film inspired the graffiti.

"What Mel Gibson did is terrible," Zakroff said. "It is happening all over. We are tired of anti-Semitism. All we want is peace."

Nonetheless, the turnout was a good sign. A Jim Spencer column rather warmly describes the response as an effort to emphasize the "Not in Our Town" sentiments of the larger Denver community. It may seem to the undiscerning that such efforts are mostly "feelgood" measures to paper over the insidious nature of these acts, but this is in fact an important step for the community to take. Responding quietly or pretending it didn't happen -- which is often the response advocated by those who think such criminals feed on publicity, so why give them what they want? -- is always considered a signal of acquiescence and even tacit approval by the average bias criminal.

But it's apparent that, community-enhancement exercises notwithstanding, the situation is becoming volatile in Denver. Now someone else has vandalized the Lovingway Pentecostal church where the earlier controversy erupted by painting a pair of swastikas on a sign. Mind you, swastikas do not contain the same meaning for a fundamentalist Christian church as they do for a synagogue; nonetheless, it's hard clear that there was a retaliatory component to the vandalism. The threatening nature of both these attacks could signal that things are getting out of hand.

Is it fair to blame The Passion of the Christ for this? Perhaps not. There hasn't been enough of this kind of activity yet to certify a trend. But if it continues, and indeed manifests itself elsewhere, then it would be far more plausible to say the film has contributed concretely to the hardening of violent attitudes toward Jewish people.

A duet of essays by Mike Davis and Robert Jay Lifton at AlterNet tackle the two sides of why Gibson's film might inspire such changes. Davis' piece, "An Academy Award for Bigotry," details precisely the nasty nature of Gibson's stereotyping of the Jewish high priests and the rabble, which he believes may have been drawn visually from the notorious Nazi propaganada film Jud Suess:
To anyone who has ever seen Jud Suess (as I did in college), the most startling thing about Mel Gibson's The Passion of the Christ -- even more than its relentless, shockingly eroticized cruelty -- is its fidelity to the anti-Semitic conventions of Hitlerian cinema.

Indeed, the high priest Caiaphas and his colleagues are such exact, blatant replicas of Suess that I suspect they must be direct borrowings. Moreover, Passion is one of the most manipulative films ever made and, after two hours watching mobs howling in delight at Christ's suffering, it is no wonder that many devout American viewers, like their German predecessors, have left theaters muttering, "I hate the Jews."

Davis' conclusions roughly parallel mine as well:
In short, Passion is the medieval vision of a pogromist, amplified by Hollywood special effects and the cachet of celebrity. It is protected by a formidable wall of enthusiastic endorsements from the American religious right as well as by the tolerance of ordinary Gibson fans who just can't believe that their goofy, handsome hero is really such a grotesque reactionary.

Even more incisive, however, is Lifton's analysis, "Violent Purification." (I happen to be an admirer of Lifton's work, especially his previous contributions on the totalist mindset, as well as his book Superpower Syndrome, which for my money is the best and most insightful of the post-Sept. 11 predicament yet published. I posted previously about his condensation of the book into an article in The Nation.)

Lifton puts the film in its appropriate context as an expression of apocalyptic belief:
At issue is the purification not just of Jesus or even of the sins he carries for others, but of the whole world. And that larger world can be purified, the film tells us, only by sustained cruelty and murderous violence. One must destroy the world, or in this case Christ, its divine representative, to save it. That kind of vision of all-encompassing violence as a means of spiritual renewal finds structured expression in the Old Testament in the Book of Daniel and in the New Testament in the Book of Revelation.

Only in the twentieth century, however, could the apocalyptic mindset take on a more activist form as human beings acquired the actual means of purifying the world by destroying it and so could attempt just that, always claiming to be doing so in God's name. This was the mindset I encountered in the small but ambitious Japanese cult Aum Shinrikyo, which in 1995 produced and released chemical and biological weapons (having unsuccessfully attempted to acquire nuclear warheads) meant -- at least in the fevered fantasies of its guru Shoko Asahara -- to initiate World War III and thereby bring about a biblical Armageddon. For his sarin-gassing of the Tokyo subways, only last week he was sentenced to death by a Japanese court.

Lifton too identifies the problem as the extreme dualism that the film is really about:
The problem of The Passion of the Christ goes far beyond the individual psyche of Mel Gibson, or even questions of biblical interpretation. The crucifixion here becomes a vehicle for a contemporary mentality that is absolute and polarizing in its starkly violent vision of world purification -- a vision that fits well with an apocalyptic, all or nothing "war on terrorism." While many will be moved by this vision, there may also be a backlash of revulsion and a reasoned rejection of the zealotry and love of violence the film promotes.

My friend Jean Rosenfeld, the religious-studies researcher at UCLA with whom I correspond, described her viewing of the film recently in an e-mail:
A Jewish friend and I went to see the Gibson film together for mutual support. We both felt we had to see it in order to speak authentically if asked. A few notes on it that I have not seen mentioned elsewhere:

The scene between Claudia and Pilate re his "catch-22" about rebellion by Caiphas against him or rebellion by the Jesus movement against him -- and Rome's warning that his head is in the noose if there is a rebellion -- is all Gibson and no scripture or tradition that I am aware of. It amplifies the anti-Semitism, which I could easily draw a red line around in the film and identify as a theology expressly rejected at Vatican II.

The scourging of Jesus in the film is a tactic by Pilate to convince the Jews that he has been punished enough and to avoid sentencing him to crucifixion. Thus, it is carried out *before* Pilate confronts Caiphas and the crowd. In the gospels, the judgment of crucifixion is rendered *first* and the scourging takes place afterward. This out-of-sequence presentation of events serves only the purpose of amplifying the perfidy of the crowd and the priests.

The anti-Semitism in the film is not all "in the Gospels" and it is not incidental.

If one is Catholic, all the iconography, symbolism and midrash is perfectly clear. Gibson makes powerful films and there is a great deal about this film that is artistic. It could have been a great film, but it completely missed the point of Christianity, and it resurrected the perverse blood libel tradition of European Christianity that James Carroll has so expertly exposed.

Gibson leaned heavily on the Gospel According to John, which is a highly symbolic text. Reading this Gospel literally leads to anti-Semitic excesses. It is also the most mystical and pious of the gospels, presenting Jesus as a "theos aner" or "divine man," a recognized archetype in the Greco-Roman empire of the first-century. I once wrote an article on "the Jews" in the John's Gospel. The key is that one cannot take this account literally, which is exactly what retrograde Catholics like the Gibsons do. They are Catholic fundamentalists, which explains the appeal of the film to Protestant fundamentalists.

The key dialogue in the film is between Pilate and Jesus about truth/veritas. To the mainstream Catholic, truth is the message of love and forgiveness that Gibson has Jesus speak. But the message of the film cinematically is that certain agents cannot be forgiven, because they are "of Satan." Among these are the priests, the crowd, Judas and the bad thief. They remain unredeemed and consigned to Satan's realm. (BTW that is the point of the raven pecking out the eye of the bad thief; it is symbolic, not gratuitous violence, as the raven is a satanic icon and the thief was blind to the truth.)

Gibson's presentation of the Jews skirts the theology of Christian Identity a little too closely for my comfort. The only good Jews are those that become Christians. As for the Romans, well, I suspect that Gibson was told by biblical scholars he consulted that Pilate was a brutal ruler who executed Jesus for sedition (a Roman, not a Jewish, crime), but I also suspect that he deliberately did not listen to them.

... My friend and I were grateful for all the discussion about the film beforehand, because it prepared us for the excessive violence. A sign at the box office warned against taking children to see it.

The film's divisiveness, at least, is spreading to some perhaps unexpected quarters as well, as Jim Lobe reports:
'The Passion' Incites New Divisions Among Neo-Cons

'The Passion', which could become the biggest grossing movie of 2004 and the surely the biggest ever with subtitles -- the actors speak in Aramaic and Latin -- appears to have pushed some very influential neo-conservatives over the edge.

Thus, 'Washington Post' columnist Charles Krauthammer this weekend denounced the movie as a ''blood libel'' against the Jews that challenges the Catholic Church's official doctrine that the Jews should not be held responsible for the crucifixion and constitutes a ''singular act of interreligious aggression''.

... While many neo-conservatives probably would have ignored 'The Passion' had it been directed exclusively to the small, traditionalist, pre-Vatican II Catholic constituency of the kind that Gibson and his far more outspoken father hail from, the fact that he marketed it aggressively to Christian fundamentalists through their churches and Christian Right leaders like Robertson -- with whom the neo-cons have aligned themselves -- threatens to raise new questions about their political judgment, particularly among U.S. Jews, most of whom have remained liberal.

The distinctly negative turn that neo-conservative reviews of 'The Passion' have taken since its release suggest that a process of rethinking may already be underway within its ranks.

Sounds like the legend of the snake devouring its own tale.

[Thanks to Warbaby in comments for the AlterNet link.]

Tuesday, March 09, 2004

Prioritizing our 'problems'

When David Brooks writes the following:
The flap over Gibson's movie reminds us that religion can be a dangerous thing. It can be coarsened into gore and bloodshed and used to foment hatred. But we're not living in Afghanistan under the Taliban. Our general problem is not that we're too dogmatic. Our more common problems come from the other end of the continuum. Americans in the 21st century are more likely to be divorced from any sense of a creedal order, ignorant of the moral traditions that have come down to us through the ages and detached from the sense that we all owe obligations to a higher authority.

You have to wonder what world Brooks lives in.

Of course, Brooks need look only a short distance from the New York Times Building -- to the rubble of Ground Zero -- for evidence that dogmatic religious zealotry is more than just dangerous, it constitutes a major problem for modern American society.

Of course, you could also find that same kind of zealotry in play back in April 1995 in Oklahoma City. Eric Rudolph's rampage was only one of many such acts of domestic terrorism inspired by dogmatic religiosity.

Now, granted, these are not what one would call "common" problems. But given the toll in bloodshed, lives, and torn social fabric, one certainly could conclude they constitute a far more "pressing" problem.

There's a certain validity to Brooks' point: There's nothing really admirable about mushy-mindedness in any aspect of our collective thinking, and Gibran-esque religiosity certainly fits that description.

However, I have yet to have observed anyone committing acts of violence or other forms of criminality after becoming a devotee of Deepak Chopra. No one has blown up any government offices after reading Mitch Albom. There haven't been any attacks on Jewish day-centers from readers of Scott Peck.

The same cannot be said of dogmatic, right-wing Christians who have been told that killing abortion doctors is morally justified by any number of fundamentalist "thinkers," or that putting abortion clinics to the torch is God's work.

The difference between most mushy pseudo-religionists like Albom and religious dogmatists like Mel Gibson is fairly simple: the former blur lines and make leaps of logic that inspire a lazy and thoughtless "spirituality," while the latter insist on a Manichean dualism that inspires a judgemental and divisive religiosity.

And that extreme dualism lies at the root of such "common" problems as racism, anti-Semitism, conspiracism, and especially terrorism, both domestic and international. It is also, ultimately, the driving force that gives rise to totalitarianism.

By comparison, mushy-headed Mitch Albomists look positively appealing.

Monday, March 08, 2004

Seen and heard

Busy day today, but here's some good reading:

Allen Brill has an op-ed in today's Charlotte Observer that he reproduced at The Right Christians that everyone should read:

Sexual Mores and the Bible
The conservative proponents of biblical sexual standards better hope that no one examines the texts they rely upon too closely for many of the Bible's ideas about sexual morality are quite alien to our own. Biblical sexual mores were centered around two concerns: preserving the property rights and honor of men with respect to the women in the household; and avoiding tebel, the improper mixing, that could threaten the order that God had imposed upon chaos.

The status of women and children in biblical times throughout the Ancient Near East was little above that of chattel. In Judges 19, the old Ephraimite man could offer his virgin daughter to satisfy gang rapists without even asking for her consent. Sexual behavior was prohibited only when it interfered with another male's property rights or honor. "Adultery" was defined as sleeping with another's wife. Sexual relations with prostitutes was not prohibited. Sleeping with a step-mother, mother-in-law or daughter-in-law was punishable by death. On the other hand, there was no explicit prohibition against a father having sex with his daughter. "Rape" was sleeping with a unmarried woman without her father's permission. If she was betrothed to another man, the victim died along with the rapist unless she "cried out" in protest. If she was not betrothed, her father received a bride-price for her from the rapist and she had to marry the man.

The laws against homosexuality and bestiality that are found in chapters 18 and 20 of Leviticus derive from the taboo against tebel rather than a concern for male property rights. Sexual acts between males--there is no biblical prohibition against lesbian sex--or sexual interaction between humans and animals constituted an "improper mixing" could lead to cosmic collapse just as mixing two kinds of crops in a field or two kinds of material in clothing.

What is missing in the biblical regulation of sexuality that we now consider of utmost importance? Consent, particularly consent on the part of women and children.

Also, welcome to the blogosphere another Table Talk alum, Julius Civitatus, who is already off to a roaring start with his JuliusBlog. Be sure to check out his excellent review of The Passion of the Christ.

Meanwhile, on the lighter side of the same topic, there's this:
The Passion of the Christ: Blooper Reel

Paul Ford is a very funny guy.

And Keith Berry points out that, when it was a Democrat making use of images of victims in the "war on terror" -- namely, Dennis Kucinich's shots of body bags coming home from Iraq -- the right could barely contain itself.

Sunday, March 07, 2004

Just wondering

I see that Republicans are rushing to defend the Bush campaign's use of footage from Sept. 11 in television ads by arguing that it's only natural to display dead bodies from a national tragedy in a campaign ad. The latest is Rudy Giuliani, who seems to have gotten this week's talking points down pat:
I think if you asked a question, "Is September 11, 2001, a legitimate area for the president to point out?" He was facing challenges. You got to go back to the ad. The ad is challenges facing George W. Bush. Well, if you left out September 11, 2001, I think people would be asking, "Why is he leaving it out?" That was probably the biggest challenge that he's faced. Those of us who support him think he did a terrific job in getting the country through it. You know, other people on the other side have taken shots at him for not doing as good a job. So it's kind of unrealistic to think you're not going to have that as part of the political debate.

Of course, no one is exactly suggesting that Sept. 11 be off the table in terms of the national debate. The question in this case is why Mr. Bush is so crassly manipulating a national tragedy in the service of partisan politics. It's not whether he refers to 9/11; it's how he refers to it.

But Giuliani's point raises the question of what might have happened had a Democrat run such an ad in the wake of a similar "challenge."

Does anyone, for instance, remember all those Clinton campaign ads with footage from Oklahoma City?

[Eric Muller at Is That Legal? weighs in with a similar point, delivered graphically. And while we're at it, gotta wonder how many FDR '44 campaign posters featured Pearl Harbor.]

Just remember what we observed last Sept. 11: "Nothing is out of bounds for them."

Comments deluxe

I finally upgraded my comments feature so that folks don't have to file so many short posts. The new limit is 3,000 characters (much longer than the old 1,000-character limit). Hope you enjoy.

Drive responsibly, of course. I also have increased new powers.

The press: Still missing on AWOL

It seems apparent that, to the press corps at least, the questions about George W. Bush's military record have been at least mollified if not answered. Problem is, nothing has been answered.

Prototypical for the sudden disappearance of the AWOL story from the radar screen was Tim Russert's handling of it on Meet the Press the other week, when he said:
The president has now released all his military records. General [sic] Calhoun, who was in Alabama, said he observed him coming to duty on weekends in Alabama. Should the Democrats withdraw the charge of AWOL towards George W. Bush?

This was, of course, a fairly typical softballs-for-Republicans performance from Russert. As the folks at Spinsanity remarked on this obfuscation of the matter shortly afterward:
... [A]s Russert should know, the evidence shows that Calhoun's claims appear to contradict those of the White House. As the Houston Chronicle pointed out, Calhoun claimed to have seen Bush a number of times in summer and fall 1972, but records released by the White House do not credit Bush for service until late October.

What very few people in the press have remarked on so far is the fact that the White House's release of Bush's "complete" records in reality has some substantial gaps in it that do not answer any of the serious questions raised so far. This is especially the case regarding Bush's failure to take a flight physical in 1972, which has never been adequately explained.

As fascinating as the questions about Bush's records might be -- even as it becomes increasingly clear that Bush has been grossly misleading the voters about those records -- the most disturbing aspect of all this has been the behavior of the press in its handling of the story.

This has, in fact, been true from the get-go. Reporters dropped or ignored the story in 1994 and again, especially, in 2000, and for no apparent reason other than that the story didn't fit the scripts that dominated the storylines at the time. The script in 2000, you may recall, was that Bush was a "straight shooter" while Gore "made stuff up."

The press simply has failed to delve past the Bush team's consistent obfuscation of the records issue. That has resulted in the story's persistent half-life, floating around the periphery of news coverage, staying alive almost purely because of its steady circulation on the Internet -- and then erupting, almost bizarrely, for about a week's worth of feeding frenzy after Democrats finally decided to put the card on the table. And then, just as suddenly, the story drops off the screen -- even though the White House's response has been just as devoid of any kind of serious explanation of the questions raised as before.

This up-and-down kind of coverage clearly reveals a dysfunction in the nation's press, as Mimi Swartz recently outlined in the New York Times:
In Search of the President's Missing Years

Over the past few weeks, President Bush has responded to recurring questions about his National Guard service by saying that the subject is old and tiresome. According to Mr. Bush, reporters conducted a thorough investigation of his time in the Texas National Guard when he ran against Ann Richards for governor in 1994, and again when he ran against Al Gore in 2000. The complete Guard records, the president told Tim Russert on "Meet the Press," were "scoured."

This came as news to me, as I lived in and reported from Texas during those times and feel that questions about the story -- Mr. Bush's life story -- linger 10 years after his first political victory. Why they linger is a more complicated question, one that has as much to do with the press as it does with the president.

What the AWOL case demonstrates is the extent to which the nation's press has developed a real vulnerability to manipulation by propaganda -- one that has always existed, but which has come to dominate media behavior under the weight of simultaneous changes in the industry and the ideological playing field.

On the one hand, media conglomeration has rendered the bulk of the nation's news organizations essentially bottom line-oriented organizations with only a passing glance at their role in protecting the public interest. Investigative and consumer-oriented journalism, both of which are expensive, time-consuming and not always rewarding -- and both of which have the decided disadvantage of frequently embarrassing the business friends and associates of ownership, as well as potential or even current advertisers -- have always been the first to go in cutbacks, and such work is now a rarity in most newsrooms. Meanwhile, political reporters are increasingly forced to rely on press releases and canned statements, and many simply lack either the time or ambition to pursue stories that aren't handed to them. Real ombudsmen, at the same time, have become rarities as well.

At the same time that the nation's newsrooms have been gutted, they have fallen under attacks from the "Mighty Wurlitzer" -- the right-wing media attack machine that on the one hand attacks mainstream news organizations for "liberal bias" merely for publishing non-conservative viewpoints, while themselves engaging in the crassest kind of bias and spin that distorts reality and fabricates false "facts."

The culture in most newsrooms now has created a de facto conservative bias, simply because no one wants to counter the popular memes emanating from the Wurlitzer, since to do so runs the risk of being suspected of "liberal bias."

So when Team Bush decides to stonewall on their candidate's military records, no one has much incentive to push harder. Only a few reporters challenge the Team's fairly obvious fabrications: Do you recall, for instance, anyone asking Ari Fleischer or Dan Bartlett about the brazenly false first explanation for the missed flight physical (which was that Bush's personal physician wasn't available -- even though all such physicals must, in fact, be administered by an Air Force flight surgeon)?

Then, when the Democrats finally decide to raise it as an issue, the press erupts in a mass feeding frenzy as they realize that the gaps in Bush's records really haven't been adequately explained. But the frenzy, like most such phenomena, is all fizz and little substance; most reporters, with only a shallow understanding of the facts of the case, miss the key element (the physical) and focus on red herrings (whether Bush actually served in Alabama). When two Guard vets suddenly pop up with stories corroborating Bush's presence in Alabama -- even though their dates don't match up with those supplied by the White House, and in fact assert he was present in Alabama when the record is quite clear he wasn't -- the pack suddenly decides that the questions have been answered, even though in reality nothing has been answered definitively at all. And the story goes away.

This is simply an abysmal job on the part of the press, and suggests the way that the right-wing Wurlitzer functions to suppress serious investigative work about the Bush administration, mainly by intimidating reporters inclined to do such work. On one hand, it endlessly intimates that such questions are part of an enduring "liberal bias," while at the same time endlessly repeating the White House's dodges.

It doesn't take much imagination to know how the Wurliter -- and the press -- would have reacted had these kinds of questions been raised about, say, Al Gore or John Kerry, both of whom served honorably in Vietnam. It would have been a nonstop circus of conjecture (it would have been "irresponsible" not to speculate, of course) and accusation, all with the purpose of impugning the Democrat's character. House and Senate investigations would have been called.

And the press would have gladly played along, almost eagerly manipulated. Makes for good cable ratings, dontcha know.

What the case demonstrates most clearly, though, is that when journalists fall down on the job now, regular citizens -- empowered by this new medium of mass information dissemination -- are more than capable of doing their work for them.

Think about the way the AWOL story stayed alive: By the work of a handful of regular citizens, non-journalists, who doggedly kept filing FOIA requests and publishing their results on the Web. Chief among these is Marty Heldt, the Iowa farmer whose Web site remains one of the significant repositories for Bush's records. The Iowa press, of course, has steadfastly ignored his contributions, even though he has been interviewed by everyone from CBS to CNN. However, the paper in Davenport finally decided to profile him recently:
Area man key source on Bush's Guard record

Think about how Marty describes the way he got involved:
Heldt does not seem to mind his anonymity. What he says he did mind was the little attention the issue got four years ago when Bush was running for president. "This was an amazing story. I thought, 'Why isn?t anybody talking about it?' " Heldt said in a recent interview.

Mimi Swartz, at least, holds out some hope that, now that the story is in play, it will not fade entirely from view (and indeed, there is some likelihood that James Moore's book, due out this summer, will contain some fresh revelations):
In some ways, then, the president is right: questions about his military service have been raised every time he's run for office. But it's also true that the story still seems woefully incomplete and that there have been clear inconsistencies in the answers Mr. Bush and his associates have given about his time in the Guard. (Mr. Bush's associates said that he didn't take his 1972 military physical because his doctor in Houston was unavailable and that he lost his flight status because the plane he was training on was phased out -- statements that have been shown to be debatable at best.) It's also disconcerting that each election cycle comes with a new set of "complete" documents.

Perhaps 2004 will be the year that details of George W. Bush's time in the National Guard -- indeed, his life in the early 1970's -- finally get filled in. This time around, there are certain factors that might put added pressure on reporters, editors and news organizations to complete the story. After all, the questions about Mr. Bush's service are being raised while we are at war and while the president is facing a genuine war hero as a potential opponent. Maybe this year, 10 years after Mr. Bush's first political victory, the lingering questions will finally disappear.

The story might finally be resolved, but the issue of the way the press has been manipulated throughout this episode will not. As long as journalists are willing to let themselves be propaganda conduits, putty in the hands of Machiavellian conservatives, instead of acting as independent reporters of fact, it will remain.

There is simply no counterpart for the Mighty Wurlitzer on the left, though there has been talk about creating a left-wing counterpart to the right-wing talk radio and television presence. I remain skeptical that simply imitating the tactics will be adequate -- and believe that alternative strategies, such as building an entirely different communications infrastructure based on the Internet, hold much greater promise in terms of countering the right.

But the people opposed to the conservative movement's agenda and its ruthlessness in enacting it have at least one thing going for them. They have, for the most part, the facts on their side. That in itself won't ensure victory, but it is a good place to start.

As for the press ... well, it's nearly impossible to even know where to start.

Friday, March 05, 2004

The Sierra Club under siege

While the American right wing has for the most part been content to attack liberal organizations by challenging them politically and in the courts, as well as by undermining their ability to raise funds, there have been relatively few examples of any attempts to destroy those organizations from within.

That is no longer the case. The Sierra Club, the nation's leading environmental organization, is facing the very real prospect of being destroyed by a hostile takeover by right-wing operatives.

As I've reported previously, a trio of anti-immigrant candidates currently seeks election to the club's national board. None of the three is a club member, but all three are nationally prominent names with self-evident mainstream credentials. All three, however, are running under the banner of a faction calling itself "SUSPS," formerly Sierrans for U.S. Population Stabilization, which is essentially a front organization for anti-immigrant groups with extensive ties to white nationalist and supremacist organizations and activities.

(Mary Ratcliff has also posted extensively on this at American Street and Pacific Views. And for a roundup of the nature of these anti-immigrant groups, see my previous post on immigration as a nexus in the overlap between the mainstream and extremist right.)

Yesterday, the Center for New Community -- a nondenominational faith-based group based in Chicago that monitors right-wing extremism -- released a thorough report on the issue, examining the backgrounds of the three candidates as well as that of the campaign itself:
Hostile Takeover: Race, Immigration and the Sierra Club [PDF format]

The report is largely evenhanded, but ultimately concludes that there is a deeply troubling agenda at work in this board election. Take, for example, its ultimate finding about Richard Lamm, the former Democratic governor of Colorado who in recent years has gone off the deep end on immigration:
Should a man of Richard Lamm's public stature be held accountable for the political views of the people who edit the journals where his writings are published? The question is symptomatic because it goes to the matter of a very special kind of "tolerance": the evident tolerance of the "population control" wing of the anti-immigration movement for the racism and bigotry of their colleagues in the nativist/white nationalist wing of the movement. The attitude would seem to be anything goes -- so long as they are against immigrants. The point here is not to say that Lamm would agree with Lutton's views on race. The point is rather that a man who is so narrowly focused on immigration and population issues that he is willing to maintain a strong and cordial professional relationship with editors whose views do not differ substantially from David Duke's on issues of race, may not be an ideal choice for Sierra Club board.

The report's final conclusion is worth reprinting in full:
Simply pointing at the SUSPS candidates and labeling them as front people is not nearly enough. What is at stake in this election is how an organization like the Sierra Club, already doing vital work on a dozen different fronts, is going to confront a crucial issue of social justice -- which may be a microcosm for how we will all confront it in the years to come. Both the United States and the world have ultimate resource limits that we will likely reach in the next few microblinks of geologic time. The question is not "should we be moving toward population stabilization as a country and as a species," for the obvious and uncontroversial answer is that we obviously should. The question is about the justice -- and even the practicality -- of attempting an America First-style immigration policy that seals off the borders and denies the increasing interconnectivity of the planet.

In other words, do campaigns and policy positions like those of the SUSPS people -- however well intended -- ultimately do anything more than inflame white nationalist passions and fuel the fires of divisiveness that they claim so hard to be against?

The Sierra Club cannot afford to elect leadership which is unexamined on this crucial if complex issue of human justice. If the SUSPS takeover attempt is successful, the influence, budget and resources of the Sierra Club will be diverted to an ideological cause that reflects neither environmental realities nor cherished democratic values. It will abruptly alter how the Sierra Club impacts the world -- for the worse.

Indeed, it could very well drive a stake through the heart of the Sierra Club.

I can tell you that I am one of the club's monthly donors and will be voting in the election. And if this faction wins election, not only will I withdraw my support for the club and cancel my membership, but I will do the best I can to urge everyone I know to do the same. Lending financial support to any club with leadership like this is simply something I can't condone.

And I'm fairly certain I won't be alone.

[For more information, check out the Groundswell Sierra site, where information on the takeover and what you can do about it is available.]

Scourging the schools

OK, OK, you say. Enough on The Passion of the Christ. It's only a movie, right?

Well, it is. And it isn't.

Obviously, Mel Gibson's religious revenge melodrama has become more than just a movie. It's now a cultural event -- a broad volley, as it were, in the raging Culture Wars. In that context, it's also become a kind of Rorschach test for the million-dollar question, Which Side Are You On?

And it is in that respect that the film has real significance -- not so much for what it actually says, but for what it symbolizes to the religious right: namely, a hard right hook thrown at the forces of "anti-Christian" secularism. A blow against the liberal empire, as it were.

The real role of The Passion is to serve as a propaganda victory in service of a larger cause -- namely, the multi-faceted offensive to remake America as a "Christian nation" by fundamentalist True Believers. By leaping to promote it, the right reinforces the idea of remaking of the Constitution -- and by extension, American society -- currently being promoted on a variety of fronts. These range from the "Constitution Restoration Act" to the rabid right's railing about Janet Jackson's exposed breast to the fight over gay marriage to the appearance of The Passion on the scene.

It may be tempting to view these cases in isolation. The religious right's legislation seems unlikely to pass. The issue of gay marriage seems like it is working its way through the courts. And on the outside, The Passion is just another movie.

But placed in their larger context, they collectively represent a serious surge in the power of the theocratic right to in fact enact their agenda. This is not merely an abstract problem, or Margaret Atwoodesque paranoia. It's manifesting itself right now in our everyday lives.

Consider, if you will, an event that took place last week in the small town of Darby in western Montana (and brought to our attention thanks to John McKay at archy).

On what should have been a normal school day, some 50 students -- nearly a third of the local high school's student population -- turned out on the little town's streets to protest the decision by the Darby School Board to institute a so-called "intelligent design" science curriculum. Such programs, of course, are Trojan horses, intended to bring creationist pseudo-science into the classrooms. And even the students in Darby, Montana, know it:
Objecting to 'origins': Darby student protest highlights concern over new policy

About one-third of the high school's 170 students Wednesday walked out of school 15 minutes before the bell rang and assembled between U.S. 93 and school property in protest of the school board's decisions to question evolution.

Carrying signs criticizing the newly adopted policy, students walked the sidewalk and drew honks and yells from passers-by hoping school officials and trustees would take heed.

"Students really care what's going on in the school," said senior Aaron Lebowitz, who organized the protest. "(The school board) has been on their own track and haven't really listened to us."

What spurred the protest was the board's "intelligent design" program, favored by such theocratic "think tanks" as the Discovery Institute, all of whom are financed by an amalgamation of "Christian reconstructionists" who object to teaching evolution in the public schools:
Trustees last month adopted a policy that calls for teachers to question evolution. The policy was brought to the board based on the idea to teach intelligent design theory -- a biological origins theory that assumes there is a designer of the biological world but stops short of saying who or what that designer is.

Critics claim the theory is a guise to introduce creation science in the classroom.

"Over the past few weeks, students have discussed the issue at length and formed opinions about intelligent design," Lebowitz said.

One sign read, "Creationism in a cheap tuxedo." And others called on people to go to church for creationism.

It must be pointed out that the Bitterroot Valley in Montana, where this took place, does not fit the stereotype of podunk Montana. The Rocky Mountain Laboratory is in the valley, as is a noted biotechnology firm. There's also been a significant influx of newcomers in the valley in recent years.

At the same time, it has been home to a broad array of right-wing activism over the past several decades as well. One of the more notorious Patriot claques in Montana, headed by tax protester named Calvin Greenup, continues to operate in the area. (Greenup engaged local law enforcement in an armed standoff for several months back in 1995, a case In God's Country covers in detail.) The religious right has maintained a steady presence in the region for some time, and has evidently taken charge of the Darby School Board.

This became painfully obvious when the board, in responding to the protests, sought legal assistance from a Christian fundamentalist support group called the Allied Defense Fund:
The board Tuesday voted to retain Lincoln attorney Bridgitt Erickson, whose fees will be paid by the Allied Defense Fund, an organization that traces its founding in part to the groups Focus on the Family and Campus Crusade for Christ.

Of course, this isn't only happening in Montana. "Intelligent design" programs are being quietly implemented in school districts around the nation, while state legislatures are busy considering passing laws to force them on other districts.

BurningBird recently posted about such an effort in Missouri:
This little uncomfortable writing of mine was inspired by a new Missouri House Bill, HB911, which is attempting to insert the teaching of creationism in our schools, through the concept known as Intelligent Design. The response to this bill from the educational community was compelling, intelligent, seemingly impossible to deny, and it does look as if the bill is not progressing at this point. The thing, though, is that it will appear again. And again. And again. And eventually, if we're not paying close enough attention, it will succeed at some time because our politics are influenced by the Political Christ, no matter how much we want to deny this.

Indeed, if you want to keep track of all the fronts on which "intelligent design" programs are being used to assault science education in our schools, check in at the National Center for Science Education Web site. The New York Times reported on the Darby case as well, and observed:
Partly because of the contentious dynamics of an election year, partly because of the coast-to-coast influence of the Discovery Institute, local disputes on the teaching of evolution are simmering in states from Alabama to Ohio to California. But with the help of the Internet, defenders like the group in Ravalli County are springing up all over the nation.

There is just one of the fronts on which the fundamentalist right is attacking public education. Another, of course, is the disastrous "No Child Left Behind" program that is gradually emerging as a recipe for leaving millions of children with third-rate educations; others from the religious right keep pounding away at "school voucher" proposals that would gut local funding for public schools.

Probably the real reason that public schools face such withering fire is that fundamentalists have come to what is almost certainly a correct conclusion: that their real enemy, in the battle for hearts and minds, is education. The fundamentalist approach to the world is built on faith; its thinkers begin with what the tenets of their faith as the core of what they believe, and then go about finding "facts" to support those beliefs. The educated approach -- especially the scientific approach -- is to gather facts first, with an open mind, and then to synthesize through logic a model that explains things. The two styles of thought are diametrically opposed and, ultimately, irreconcilable.

The religious right knows that the only way it will win this Culture War it has started is by relentlessly attacking, on a multitude of fronts. These range from cutting taxes so severely that social and education programs are gutted; rendering the issue of gay marriage a national cause celebre; attacking abortion rights at every step; restricting civil liberties and promoting the notion that church-state separation is a "myth"; and finally, engaging in a relentless propaganda war over the right-wing airwaves, both radio and television, that pounds tirelessly at the notion that liberalism is the cause of all the nation's problems, and that America's real identity is a "Christian" one. On one hand, they attack Janet Jackson's breast and Howard Stern's foul mouth as benchmarks of our supposed moral depravity, but simultaneously swoon over a sadomasochistic representation of the Crucifixion that is one of the most violent films ever made and assure us that such spectacles improve the nation's moral fiber.

Anna Quindlen remarked on the wide range of fronts in the Culture War, and their markedly increased ferocity, in a recent Newsweek column:
... [T]he other night I listened to Bill O'Reilly speak of "secularists" on Fox News, and as I tried to parse out who those secularists might be, I discovered to my surprise that they would be me. From same-sex marriage to Mel Gibson's gory cinematic take on the Crucifixion, the new wedge issue is religiosity, not to be confused with faith. ...

... Democratic politicians have had this problem, and the new conventional wisdom is that to overcome it they need to be doing a lot more public God talk. Forget that. Any time I hear a guy going on and on about how his road to the statehouse or the White House was paved with prayer (not to mention a good bit of soft money), I get the uncomfortable feeling he's doing what Mel Gibson has done with his movie: trading on God for personal gain. The modern version of 30 pieces of silver.

The connection between politics and religion for me lies in the motto of Cornelia Connelly, the Philadelphia wife and mother who founded the order of nuns by whom I was lucky enough to be educated. Actions, not words. Touch the sick, the poor, the children, the powerless, as Christ did, and never mind quoting Leviticus. For the record, I have never written the name of God without capitalizing the G. But that is the letter. What truly matters is the spirit.

What Quindlen overlooks, of course, is the fact that merely asserting the ability of faith and reason to co-exist is no longer enough. In today's environment, it means standing up for yourself -- and for all those who do not share the faith. Like those kids in Montana did last week.

Then, there can be no mistaking Which Side You Are On.

Thursday, March 04, 2004

Updates

Some updates on previous posts ...

After last week's pipe bombing of the Office of Diversity and Dialogue in Scottsdale, Arizona, FBI investigators are taking a hard look at white-supremacist activity in the area, notably some National Alliance fliers that were distributed on the other side of the valley, in the Gilbert area:
FBI watching supremacist fliers in Gilbert

The fliers from the National Alliance state that "it's open season on white women" and picture NBA player Kobe Bryant and former NFL star O.J. Simpson, saying the two "represent only the tip of the iceberg of black on white crime."

About 500 fliers have been distributed in Gilbert, said Jasa Slovjanski, a spokesman for the Phoenix-area chapter of the National Alliance.

He said about 2,500 to 3,000 fliers have been distributed monthly in the Phoenix metropolitan area since September.

The sttory came complete with the stock NA denials:
Slovjanski said the National Alliance had no role in last week's mail bomb attack at Scottsdale's Office of Diversity and Dialogue that injured its director, Don Logan, who is black.

"The National Alliance does not operate in any illegal manner," he said.

Yeah. Right.

Meanwhile, back in Georgia, where voters just reached a verdict on the latest vote in the ongoing fight over the Confederate flag ... and the results were not exactly what the "flaggers" had in mind: by a three-to-one margin, voters decided to keep the current flag. The neo-Confederates are officially stewing:
Angered by 'rigged' Georgia flag vote, Southern heritage groups call for boycott

Southern heritage groups called for an economic boycott of Atlanta on Wednesday, a day after Georgia voters overwhelmingly approved a state flag without the divisive Confederate rebel "X."

About 50 people rallied outside the Capitol, saying tepid turnout for the flag referendum meant people thought it was phony. The ballot didn't allow voters to choose the 1956 version dominated by the Confederate cross of stars.

"The rigged referendum yesterday was an insult to the good dignity of every Georgian," said Steve Harris, vice chairman of the Southern Party of Georgia.

"Large segments of the Georgia General Assembly have more regard for the Yankee dollars... than they do for the wishes of their constituents," said Ray McBerry of the Georgia League of the South. "We encourage Southerners to cease doing business within the city-state of Atlanta."

Ah yes, that's it. It's the fault of those big-city folks.

Are the Gospels anti-Semitic?

Most defenders of The Passion of the Christ are prone to claiming that the film isn't any more anti-Semitic than the Gospels themselves, since it's supposedly taken directly from them.

Of course, as we've pointed out repeatedly, the film in fact deviates from the Gospels in many respects and adds material clearly not in the Gospels -- a fair portion of which is suggestively anti-Semitic.

More to the point, the Gospels can be anti-Semitic if you want them to be. Or they can blame the Romans. It all depends on which passages you select and how you use them.

Robert M. Jeffers made this point really quite cogently over at Atrios' comments:
Let me pick up on the point that the Gospels are "anti-Semitic."

An odd point, since they are (save for Luke's) written by Jews. Jews who, for the most part, were ostracized from a broken Jewish community (all were written after 70 A.D., the fall of Jerusalem that gave rise, eventually, to rabbinic Judaism, v. Temple Judaism). It's a time of turmoil, change, and people staking out their place.

The most "anti-semitic" gospel, actually, is John's, where the writer speaks openly (and disparagingly), of "the Jews."

But Luke doesn't do that. Matthew only does it at the Crucifixion. Mark doesn't do it. Luke, in fact, shows the way for Gentiles and Jews (and believers in Jesus as the Messiah would make themselves "non-Jews" almost immediately, in those days) to be joined. But that's laid out in the Book of Acts, so let's not broaden this too much.

But "the gospels are inherently anti-Semitic"? Balderdash. They've been used for that. They've also been used to justify war, violence, hatred, any number of things. That doesn't mean the gospels promote those uses. Simply that people will do what they want to do, and reach for any justification they can get their hands on.

But don't say the actors weren't responsible, that the "message" made 'em do it.

Amen.

The Passion: Getting medieval

In all the words that have been spilled over Mel Gibson's The Passion of the Christ -- including my own -- pitifully little has actually been said about whether the film is any good as a moviegoing experience.

The answer: Well, no, not really. In fact, it's kind of dull.

It's all conditional, of course, depending on what the moviegoer brings to the film. If one is a devout Catholic or fundamentalist Christian, there is considerable likelihood you'll actually be moved, because you don't need to make the usual kind of emotional connection to Jesus that a regular moviegoer might need to find the story at all compelling.

On the other hand, there is a grim monotony to the violence that even practicing Christians will find somewhat stupefying, if not simply overdone to the point of fetishism. Gibson goes over the top so many times in demonstrating to us -- in scenes and shots that simply have no scriptural foundation -- that Jesus suffered worse than any other of the millions of victims of crucifixion, Roman style, in this era, that the story ceases to be credible as an attempt at realism, which it otherwise appears to be.

More to the point, the storyline arc, beyond being merely predictable, is strangely flat. It is, as I mentioned in the previous review, a revenge melodrama minus the revenge. It's all about the horrific brutalization of an innocent man, but there's no expiative payback.

Neither is there anything satisfying in the way of character enrichment. All of the roles, in fact, are as flat as the plotline, and the participants -- Jesus, Mary and Mary Magdalene, the disciples, the Jewish high priests, Herod, Pilate, even Satan -- are all two-dimensional, mere vessels for the Manichean symbology at play here.

Most of all, Gibson's rather ham-handed manipulativeness makes painfully obvious the point of the film and its propagandistic agenda. Watching an Oliver Stone film was always like getting hit over the head with a hammer within five minutes of the opening, and then being hit repeatedly for the next two hours (or longer). Watching a Mel Gibson film, in contrast, has become rather like being disemboweled for two hours -- and told to like it.

In truth, I was disappointed. I happen to have liked a number of Gibson's films, including some of his cheesy revenge melodramas (The Road Warrior is one of the great action films). But the revenge genre is the most openly manipulative of the audience's emotions of any genre besides romance (it is, in fact, the male counterpart to the romance), and Gibson as an auteur has clearly never outgrown that simple-minded kind of narrative. The Passion is, well, painfully manipulative.

Taking on the meaning of Christ's life and sacrifice especially calls for a thoughtful and theologically meaningful approach -- but Gibson has eschewed all that for a primitive bloodbath that is a direct reflection of the origins of Passion dramas: namely, medieval Europe.

And that, more than anything, may be why the film fails as a convincing drama. At its heart, its worldview is medieval, and so are its dramatic principles. Neither makes for convincing a modern audience, practicing Christian or not.

Indeed, this same medievalism is the source of the controversy about the film's alleged anti-Semitism, which as I've observed previously in fact reflects the film's radically reactionary Catholicism.

Leon Wieseltier recently addressed this in his incisive attack on The Passion in The New Republic:
The Passion of the Christ is the expression of certain theological and artistic preferences. It is, more specifically, a noisy contemporary instance of a tradition of interpretation that came into its own in the late medieval centuries, when (in the words of a distinguished historian of Christian art) "the Passion became the chief concern of the Christian soul." In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, as a consequence of persecution and war and pestilence, the image of Christ hovering over the world in gilded majesty was replaced by the image of Jesus nailed in the world to the cross. Passion plays were devised for Holy Week. The lacerated Jesus became a commonplace of religious art, in which the Man of Sorrows plaintively displayed his wounds, which were venerated. This Jesus came to be drawn with a brutal realism, which climaxed in the grisly masterpieces of Grunwald.

So the kindest thing that may be said of Gibson is that he is an extremely late medieval. He contemplates the details of pain ecstatically. But this is still too kind, because the morbidity of the Man of Sorrows, even in its most popular versions, was rarely as crude as what Gibson presents. Does Christian dolorousness, a serious reflection upon the fate of Jesus, really require these special effects, this moral and aesthetic barbarity? The Passion of the Christ is the work of a religious sensibility of remarkable coarseness. It is by turns grossly physical and grossly magical, childishly literalist, gladly credulous, comically masculine. Gibson's faith is finally pre-theological, the kind of conviction that abhors thought, superstitiously fascinated by Satan and "the other realm," a manic variety of Christian folk religion.

One of the real cornerstones of medieval theology, in fact, was the view of the Crucifixion that is rendered perfectly crystalline in Gibson's film -- that is, one in which the suffering itself (and not the resurrection) is the wellspring of mankind's redemption. In the medieval worldview, the Crucifixion itself, by virtue of its manifest brutality and unjustness, became a kind of magical act that enabled Jesus to take on the sins of all mankind. Both the teachings of Jesus and the resurrection fade in significance by comparison to this magical act -- and so, in Gibson's film, are they given only fleeting mention.

Modern theologians, and most mainstream religions, place Christ's sacrifice and redemptiveness in a much broader context. The Crucifixion's meaning can't be separated from the love and forgiveness of Jesus' teachings, neither can its import be separated from the Resurrection -- the latter of which is most often seen as the heart of mankind's redemption. For most, the greatest meaning of the Crucifixion is in the example Jesus set by submitting himself to God's will, come what may. This is not an act of magic but something that has meaning to our everyday lives.

But the older, and narrower, meaning of the Passion has never really died out, and through the succeeding centuries has seen various levels of revival.

James Shapiro described this in his recent piece in the Los Angeles Times, "There's Never Been a 'Passion' for the Truth" [link is now defunct]:
In reality, this image of Jesus on the cross comes from the detailed Passion treatises of the 12th through 15th centuries, written to help the pious visualize the events at Calvary. It's hard to underestimate the effect these books had on the paintings, sculpture and dramatic renderings of the Passion in the centuries that followed. What their writers imagined, we now imagine. These stories were compiled at a time when Jews were regularly accused of poisoning wells and committing ritual murder, so it's no surprise they demonized Jews. But the Passion plays that the stories inspired didn't at first make Jews Jesus' main antagonist. Through the late medieval and Renaissance periods, and as late as the 18th century, Satan was the enemy. But by the 19th century, with the rise of realism (and the Catholic Church's growing displeasure with seeing ribald devils onstage), bloodthirsty and money-grubbing Jews took over in the role, with Pontius Pilate, in this streamlined version, becoming something of a hero.

The script now had to follow Mark and Matthew, in which the chief Jewish priests mock Jesus, rather than Luke and John, in which they don't. But then it had to veer back to Luke and John for Pilate to insist that Jesus had committed no crime, something Mark and Matthew never claim. A line that only appears in Matthew -- the famous blood curse, where the Jews, in accepting responsibility for the death of Jesus, cry out, "His blood upon us and upon our children" -- became the centerpiece of 19th century interpretations.

But even when edited selectively, the Gospels didn't go quite far enough in providing a relentless and incriminating story of Jewish perfidy. So 19th century directors turned to ideas offered by the likes of Sister Anne Catherine Emmerich (1774-1824), whose ecstatic visions offered damning and dramatically satisfying details nowhere mentioned in Scripture, such as the notion that the Jewish high priests passed out bribes and that the cross was built in the Temple. (Emmerich's influence on Gibson was at first acknowledged, then hastily denied.)

Indeed, Emmerich's material -- from her work The Dolorous Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ -- clearly forms the core of the non-scriptural material that appears in Gibson's film: the appearance of Satan in Gethsemane and his verbal sparring with Jesus, the details of which are drawn almost word for word from Emmerich; the subsequent appearance of Satan throughout the ordeal, most often associated with the Jewish high priests; the presentation by Veronica, Pilate's wife, of a gift of cloth to Mary; and the excruciating levels of punishment given to Jesus.

Moreover, Gibson's focus on the Passion as the real transformative event of Christianity is especially clear in a scene in the film specifically drawn from Emmerich -- namely, the sequence in which she catches up to Jesus as he carries the cross and he falls. When she speaks and tells him she is there for him, he replies -- in a line neither from the Gospels nor Emmerich, but rather, from Revelations -- "See, mother, how I make all things new!" Delivered gaspingly through blood-caked lips, at one of the lowest moments in the ordeal, the line has a peculiar effect -- namely, of emphasizing the magical regenerative purpose of his suffering.

Emmerich's work is clearly anti-Semitic, but it is in many regards an attempt to revitalize that medieval Catholicism. And so it is probably unsurprising that her work played a prominent role in the reactionary pietism of 19th-century Catholicism. This manifested itself in a number of ways, particularly in the revival of Marianism in the 19th and early 20th centuries, resulting in a flood of visions of the Virgin Mary that brought out some of the most primitive impulses in the Catholic laity. This pietism also was responsible for the appearance of the principle of papal infallibility.

It was also, of course, a significant factor in the revival of European anti-Semitism in the 19th century, a revival based on conspiratorial scapegoating that had its final fruition in the Holocaust. As James Carroll described it in his book Constantine's Sword:
The explosion of Jew hatred in France essentially ended the great turn in history that was the post-Revolution emancipation of Jews in Europe. Despite the witness of the exceptions cited above, that explosion was ignited and fueled by Roman Catholicism. Later, the strategic use of overt anti-Semitism as a way to restore Catholicism was rejected by Leo XIII, but the French Church, for a crucial time, rallied around just such a policy. Hundreds, perhaps thousands of Catholic priests -- . . . attended antisemitic congresses, gave Jew-baiting speeches, and, in their sermons, inflamed Catholic congregations all over France. The usual stereotypes were invoked; the Jew as revolutionary, as financier, as traitor, as the killer of Christ, as the ritual murderer or Christian children. These priests were never chastised or reined in by their bishops, who themselves never raised a protest, as one injustice followed another in l'affaire Dreyfus. Catholic bishops in other countries, like Bishop John Ireland of the United States, spoke up for Dreyfus, but not in the country in which the scandal unfolded: "No authorized voice was raised in the Church of France against their judicial monstrosities," ... "The universal silence of the French episcopate appeared as a crime. . . The great moral authority which the Church represents was dumb. . .it did not protest, it did not wax indignant, when forgery, collusion and perjury combined in broad daylight to mislead the conscience of Christians."

Many observers, of course, have weighed in on the nature of the film's Catholicism. One of the more insightful pieces was the review by religious-studies scholar James D. Tabor, who is an expert on contemporaneous history of the Gospel period, and he points out how Gibson's film overthrows history for the sake of dogma:
Time and time again I saw the film as an unabashed attempt to present a Roman Catholic version of the story. Throughout the film Mary the mother of Jesus, and Mary Magdalene, were presented in both dress and pose as Catholic nuns, their costumes coming about as close to the traditional Catholic habit as I have ever seen in a Jesus film. Mary especially, in almost every scene, was scripted to look fully the part of The Blessed Virgin Mother of Catholic tradition. The brothers and sisters were not included of course, even at the death, because Mary could not be presented as a normal Jewish woman with a large family of five boys and at least two girls, given the dogma of the "perpetual virginity of Mary, the mother of God." The Catholic tradition of Veronica and her cloth were included. Jesus carried this unbelievably huge full cross, just like in all the traditional paintings, and at times that part of the film bordered on the ridiculous. This portrait, however appealing to tradition, is unsupported in either the Gospels (Greek word stauros means stake) or what we know of Roman history. It is worth noting that the two "thieves," crucified with Jesus, as this film portrayed things, had only to carry the "cross beam" to which the arms would be tied or nailed, not the entire cross. This would be in keeping with Roman practice, so why have Jesus bend and break for nearly 30 minutes of the film, carrying a "cross" that surely would have weighed over 100 lbs. Here, as in other places, presumably Gibson read his English Bible where the term "cross" is used, and guided by Sister Emmerich's visions and Church tradition, decided that this was the way things were. Gibson also had Jesus' nailed to the cross in the hands and feet, rather than through the wrists and the heel bones, as we know was actually the case. Thanks to an amazing accidental archaeological discovery made in 1968 -- the skeleton of a crucified man contemporary with Jesus found in Jerusalem (see the informative article by anthropologist Joe Zias), we are now quite certain about what Roman crucifixion at the time involved and how it was carried out. These might be seen as irrelevant details, but their overall effect I think was an important one, in terms of reflecting Christian tradition. The Romans, contrary to the portrayal in this film, would have considered the heavy loss of blood, a botched job. The trick was to nail the victim to the wood, but draw very little blood; otherwise one would go unconscious quickly from loss of blood and not suffer for more than a few minutes. Crucifixions, according to the 1st century Jewish historian Josephus, were intended to last for several days. The victims eventually died from trauma, dehydration, and shock -- not from blood pouring out of severed blood vessels in the hands and feet.

Tabor identifies five specific cases where he found "the portrayal in the film to be seriously misleading, historically unfounded, and theologically loaded," including this one:
Finally, at the end of the film, when Jesus has died, there is an earthquake and one sees the inner rooms of the Temple in shambles with everything destroyed. The priests are groveling like fools on the floor, heirs of this now defunct faith. I saw this as a rather blatant attempt of Gibson's to signal -- Judaism is dead; it died with Christ, and now the new faith of the Christians has replaced it. In interviews a week before the film was released Gibson said as much. He said he was not anti-Semitic, that he loved the Jews, and wished every one of them could be written in the Lamb's book of life -- clearly expressing his view, contrary even to Vatican II, that Jews without faith in the Christian Jesus are hell-bound. His hope is that his film will convert the Jews and all the rest of humanity, to Christianity.

My friend Jean Rosenfeld, a Senior Research Associate at UCLA's Center
for the Study of Religion, observes in an e-mail that Gibson's radical brand of Catholicism also does violence to the reality of the close histories of Christianity and Judaism:
I find myself, personally, in a peculiar spot. While I am Catholic, I realize that Catholicism au fond is a spinoff from proto-Rabbinic Judaism. About 1700 years of developing in a European milieu affected this Levantine "mystery religion" (I believe this is Tacitus' phrase for Christianity) and seemingly separated it from its Jewish-"God-fearer" (Greeks who were attracted to Judaism, but did not undergo circumcision) roots in the first-century Jewish diaspora. Because Catholicism developed a strong monastic and separate identity in Ireland, Italy, France, and Germany, we mistakenly assume that Catholicsm and Judaism are antithetical, when they are actually parent/child religions. One sees their continuities in liturgy and ritual. Actually, their seeming separateness is more one of culture and ethnic identities, than of religion. Much of what Christianity emphasized comes from the tradition of the Isaiah prophecies.

It is especially the late pietism of 19th-century Catholicism (part of the monarchical/ authoritarian reaction to the early 19th century Napoleonic era) that has reasserted itself lately in the Pius X movement and our current "Christ with a Sword" Christian state militancy, appears highly antithetical to the roots of Christianity. The disturbing thing is that Gibson is ignorantly asserting, through his narrow focus on the late European crucifixion midrash, all that is antithetical to Judaism in the long accretive history of Christianity and virtually nothing that is continuous and cognate with it.

There is a reason The Passion of the Christ is so violent and Manichean -- because its worldview is rooted in an epoch of authoritarian brutality when dualism was the dominant mindset. Harkening us back to those halcyon days may seem like a good idea, religiously speaking, to Gibson and a host of other right-wing religionists.

But they probably should not be shocked if, in the long run, most Christians decide it doesn't make for a very good expression of the meaning of their faith. After all, it doesn't even make for much of a good movie.

Tuesday, March 02, 2004

The devil down in Georgia

If it isn't clear by now, then this story in today's Orlando Sentinel should make it quite obvious that far-right neo-Confederates are taking a leading role in Tuesday's vote in Georgia on a referendum for the state flag:
Their stated mission is to restore Confederate symbols to prominence on the Georgia state flag and to remove from office Perdue and any other "scalawags" that oppose them. But some fear the flaggers and their sympathizers across the South have racist and anti-government agendas.

Georgia business and political leaders are concerned that the determined group might create a national spectacle by raising the specter of slavery and racism when state voters go to the polls Tuesday.

"The flaggers talk about preserving their Southern heritage, but that is mostly for Yankee consumption. Nobody around here believes that. The underlying theme is race," Georgia political columnist Bill Shipp said. "They are a 21st-century manifestation of the Klan, but they also symbolize disenchantment and alienation with government."

As it happens, though, the classic 'rebel X' flag isn't among the choices from which they get to choose. And they're not happy about it:
The two flags offered are the Barnes banner and the current state flag selected last year by the Georgia Legislature and Perdue. That design was actually drawn from the "Stars and Bars" of the First National Flag of the Confederacy, but flaggers are not impressed with its lineage because it lacks the rebel cross.

The powerful Georgia State Chamber of Commerce last month issued a bulletin to its members urging them to vote for the Perdue flag design. They fear flaggers will turn out for the Barnes flag with its tiny Confederate emblem to keep the issue alive.

"Our state does not need another round of bad publicity over this issue and the negative effect it would have on our economic development efforts," the chamber's advisory said.

Some strategy-minded flagger factions have advocated voting for the "Barnes rag" flag design but only "while holding our noses." Others have called for turning in blank ballots or simply skipping the election, said Davis and Coleman, who claimed to know of no flagger plans to disrupt the primary with demonstrations.

There is at least one advantage to this vote taking place now: It makes it less likely that it will be a motivating issue in this fall's presidential election, as it was in last fall's gubernatorial race in Mississippi. That's probably a good thing.

As Mark Potok observes, the "flag issue" played a big get-out-the-vote role in unseating at least two governors: Mississippi's Ronnie Musgrove, and South Carolina's David Beasley.
"It's debatable whether the flaggers were the sole cause, but there is no question they played the same role in all of those elections," said Potok, whose organization tracks hate groups nationwide.

Many who pose as Confederate-heritage preservationists are actually "pushing an entire revision of the history of the Civil War in the service of present-day racists," Potok said. "They are trying to cleanse the Confederate flag and the Civil War itself of any association with racism or slavery."

The problem, of course, is that this particular wellspring for empowering the extremist right never seems to run dry. The flaggers, it's important to note, fully intend to target "scalawags" who oppose their attempts to resurrect the old banner of the Confederacy in the coming election. You can bet that just about includes anyone on the Democratic ticket.

And don't be surprised to see a Republican or two follow Haley Barbour's lead in Mississippi and openly embrace the flag -- and then demagogue their opponent on it.

Meaning as a mirror

Debi Riggs Shaw drops a line in response to my review of The Passion:
A Feb. 25 story in the New York Times reported a discussion of the movie amongst clergy of Jewish and Christian denominations. The last sentences of the piece highlight the crucial difference between Christians' apprehensions of the meaning of their religion:

(Father Kantzavelos) and the other Christian clergy members agreed that the movie was based on a "theology of atonement" familiar to evangelicals, one that emphasizes Jesus' suffering and sacrifice over his resurrection. They noted that the movie had opened with a passage from Isaiah: "With his stripes we are healed."

Mr. Blackwell, the Methodist pastor said: "If your theology is blood, and you're washed clean in the blood, then the more blood and suffering the better because the more salvation there is in it. If that's your theology, the more stripes, the more you are healed.

"For me the question is: Is unrelenting violence redemptive?" Mr. Blackwell said. "What happened to the revelatory preaching of Jesus and his love?"


Whether one focuses on a deity of exclusion, violence, rule-making/enforcement, and vengeance, or one of peace, healing, forgiveness, and inclusion depends entirely on the worldview one brings to the religion in the first place. Some types of personalities are drawn to rigid lawmaking, the Old Testament, and to Paul. Other types are drawn to the more thoughtful, peaceful teachings and aspects. And this can be seen not only in Christianity, but in all religions and the interpretations of them that evolve over centuries.

Religions and the gods at their centers say more about the people professing them than any objective truth about the universe.

I'll have a little more to say on the film's theology soon.

40 thoughts on The Passion

The ironically initialed J.C. sends me the following missive:
After watching a 9:50 p.m. showing of The Passion of The Christ last night, I wanted to get my thoughts on paper and spread them to my friends. Hopefully, you will take them in the vein in which they were intended.

1) Bring tissue, lots of tissue. Some will use this to wipe their eyes, I found it useful for wiping up the pools of blood and gore that dripped off of the screen.

2) The film is only anti-Semitic if you consider it anti-Semitic to portray Jews as an unruly crowd of evil, hook-nosed Christ killers.

3) The main miracle in the life of Jesus is apparently the miraculous amount of blood that his body contains.

4) Seriously, the only anti-Semitic part is the constant throng of Jews that torture, torment and scream for the death of Jesus. Once you get past that mindless mob of evil, giggling, mocking Jews, it could hardly be considered anti-Semitic at all.

5) Jesus wears really heavy sandals. Because every time he puts his foot down, it is like Godzilla walking through Tokyo. Boom, Boom, Boom. They must weigh like a ton.

6) And besides, it can't be anti-Semitic because there were a few good Jews in there too. And don't forget that Jesus and his disciples were Jewish too, although they don't actually LOOK Jewish on the screen. I mean, the people that looked stereotypically Jewish were evil, sure. But we all know that Jesus and the disciples were special Jews.

7) Don't be fooled by the "R" rating. It is a great movie for kids to see. Especially at 10 p.m. showings. Although, it would be helpful if the theater handed out those little gizmos from "A Clockwork Orange," y'know, to pry their tired little eyes open. Because those little sinners otherwise would probably want to turn away during the beatings, scourging and crucifiying scenes. Or maybe go to sleep.

8) It might be time to change the meaning of anti-Semitic. Because, apparently the only way to be anti-Semitic in some people's eyes is to portray the Jews as people with the word "Evil" tatooed on their forehead. Because portraying Jews as an unruly mob, slobbering for the death and torture of an icon of peace and love apparently isn't a negative portrayal under our current definition.

9) Keeping children away from the ultra-violence and subversive messages of films such as Harry Potter and Saturday morning cartoons is a good thing. Exposing them to the long, slow, bloody, torturous death of the Savior of all mankind is also a good thing. Go figure.

10) Christians are really generous. Willing to give you a free ticket to this ground-breaking, moving work of film. Paradoxically, they really aren't all that interested in scooting closer together so that you can see the film from a seat that isn't directly underneath the screen.

11) Jesus talks a good game about forgiveness and eternal Paradise, sure. But talk back and he will have a crow pluck out your eyes. Don't mess with the Messiah.

12) Resurrection heals all wounds. Except for puncture wounds to the hands. Those are apparently harder to get rid of.

13) Satan wears a toupee. And he really, really needs a tissue.

14) A little known fact: Jesus must have been a hemophiliac. Because near as I can tell, his blood never coagulates.

15) It makes little sense to pay $7 for a ticket and then spend half a movie blubbering or hiding your eyes. You paid for the show, watch the show. That goes for little kids too.

16) Jesus talked a lot about peace, and love and forgiving your enemies. This has no parallels in today's world.

17) Jesus talked about loving your brother. This DEFINITELY has no parallels in today's world.

18) A little known fact about Peter. He was a kung fu master. That is probably why he guards the gates of heaven, 'cause if you don't belong, he can boot your ass straight to hell.

19) There is something noble, clean and pure about military powers occupying unruly Middle Eastern countries, judging and imprisoning their citizens and handing out death penalties. This definitely has parallels in today's world.

20) Soap wasn't invented until sometime after the death of Jesus. People back then really liked to wash their hands, but without soap it was very difficult to clean the dirt or blood off of them.

21) Black clothing has many uses, but it is especially good for hiding bloodstains. Seriously, you can kneel in puddles and pools of blood and it won't show.

22) When Jesus died on the cross, he proved his divinity by causing a massive earthquake that destroyed the Jewish temple. So, even the unbelieving Jews must know the truth of Jesus. Acting like they don't is just evil. This cannot be interpreted as anti-Semitic under the current definition.

23) Jesus has a lot of in common with the Black Knight in Monty Python and the Holy Grail. Merely a flesh wound, indeed.

24) This film is good for children of all ages. Even those too young to read. Because they will get the gist of it, trust me. Blood and torture don't really require a third-grade reading level to catch onto.

25) Filming the movie with the dialogue in ancient, dead languages may at first seem pretentious. But it helps convey the documentary-nature of the film the best. And you can have a crowd of Jews chant about Jesus' death being on the heads of them and their children forever without having to actually put the words up on the screen. That isn't anti-Semitic either.

26) The bloopers reel that plays over the credits is really a great piece of work. There was this one scene where Jim fell down when he was supposed to be carrying the cross through the streets, and he just kept tripping over his feet. Falling down again and again. Ha! Oh wait, I think that made it into the final cut.

27) Speaking of the cross, it is interesting that the thieves who were crucified with Jesus both only had to carry the cross-beams of their cross. Jesus had to carry the whole thing. Somebody didn't get the memo about new cross construction techniques.

28) Scourging is a fine tool of torture, sure. But I'm just saying it is only effective to a certain extent. Once you have flayed away the layers of skin that actually contain nerves, there isn't a whole lot more that scourging can do. It is too bad that the cattle prod had yet to be invented. That would have kept the proceedings moving along nicely.

29) The best place to go after watching a moving, sensitive portrayal of the execution of the Savior is a restaurant that serves lasagna with lots of marinara sauce. Lots. A side of ribs also sounds sort of appealing.

30) Roman soldiers weren't too good about following orders. "Torture him but don't kill him" can come dangerously close to "Torture him and kill him."

31) Little known fact: The murderer Barabbas released by Pontius Pilate? He went on to a career in stand-up comedy and eventually was elected to the Roman Congress, where he served four terms. He then retired to a nice country home. After his release, he managed to keep his killing sprees down to only a few people a year.

32) The Romans apparently keep crowns of thorns just lying around. I guess just in case, a king of the Jews needed crucifying or something. Handy.

33) King Herod refused to judge Jesus, so at first glance he might seem to be a good guy. But luckily Mel pointed out that he also kind of, well, gay. Just so you would know that he was really evil. Because you can love your brother and you can love your neighbor, but that only applies to the manly kind of slap-you-on-the-butt and watch football together kind of love. Not like, actual, icky LOVE love.

34) Mary, Jesus' mother, was really sad about her son getting executed. Dad was a little upset too, but he was able to hide it better. He only shed one tear. It's a guy thing.

35) We were able see Jesus rescue Mary Magdalane from the mob that wanted to stone her to death. Unfortunately we didn't get to hear his classic line about "Let he who is without sin cast the first stone." While a good parable and a fine sentiment, it doesn't really apply to today's world. Because, unless a televangelist or good Christian just happened to be passing by, you'd never get to stone anybody.

36) Watching blood geyser into the air and splatter over everything in Kill Bill was too much gore. Watching blood geyser into the air and splatter over everything in The Passion of The Christ was just right. Coincidentally, almost the exact same amount of fake blood was used in the filming of both movies.

37) Getting struck by lightning while starring in a film about the death of Jesus should not in any way be considered a sign from God. Although he used to use signs, omens and portents to get his message across, he has taken to talking directly to his followers like Mel Gibson and Pat Robertson in recent years.

38) Really, anti-Semitism is in the eyes of the beholder. You say tomato, I say tom-ah-to. You say potato, I say po-tat-o. You say balanced portrayal of religious facts, I say calculated portrayal of the Jewish people as evil. It's all in your perspective.

39) There really can be no greater recruiting tool for Christianity than a two-plus-hour movie that buries the inconvenient message of peace, love and brotherhood under a spray of blood and ultra violence. Sex and violence are what put asses in the seats.

40) Writing a 40-point list of the things I learned from watching The Passion of the Christ could be considered by some to be blasphemy. The movie is a holy work after all and we wouldn't want to mock a holy work.

A little more on Mel's work soon.